The short version
- A correct answer is the model’s achievement. Understanding is the reader’s.
- The same facts can be opaque or obvious depending on their shape. In a classic study, changing only the format nearly tripled correct reasoning.
- Feeling that you understand is a poor guide. Smooth delivery can raise confidence without raising learning.
- Design changes what AI does to learning. Answers on tap raised practice scores and lowered exam scores; a tutor that gave hints avoided the drop.
- So build answers that give the reader a route, and judge them by what people can do afterwards.
One idea here is a hypothesis: that this gap grows as models improve. The research supports the difference between a good answer and human understanding.
01The puzzle
A correct answer is only the beginning
An answer can be right and still leave you unable to use it. Ten seconds with a puzzle is enough to feel the difference.
Your phone lights up. An unknown number, and beneath it two small words: Possible spam.
It is tempting to trust the warning. The filter is clever, and the label sounds sure of itself. Before you read on, make a guess.
Try it · a phone warning
A call marked “Possible spam”
Imagine a phone screening calls for spam. These numbers are hypothetical.
- It flags 90% of spam calls.
- It also flags 10% of other calls by mistake.
- Only 1 call in 100 is spam.
The phone shows a warning. How likely is this call to be spam?
A correct answerin the style a chat assistant might use
Apply Bayes’ theorem. Let S mean “the call is spam” and W mean “the phone shows a warning”.
So only about 8.3% of the flagged calls are spam.
If you guessed far above 8.3%, you are in good company. When the psychologists Gerd Gigerenzer and Ulrich Hoffrage gave problems like this to university students who had never met Bayes’ theorem, only about one answer in six followed the right reasoning. Earlier studies, they noted, had found physicians struggling with the same kind of problem.[1]
Now look again at the answer itself. It is correct. It is complete. It even shows its working.
And yet, unless you already think in conditional probabilities, it probably did not make the result feel obvious. You could repeat it. Explaining it to a colleague is another matter. So is saying what would happen if spam calls became more common.
This is the feeling I have most often when I read long answers from AI models. Each sentence is fine. The trouble lives between the sentences. I am left to work out what matters most, how the pieces connect and what the whole thing looks like.
The answer was right. What it did not give you was a way to see why.
02The reveal
The same facts can be opaque or obvious
Rewrite the numbers as counts of real things and the answer becomes visible. Nothing is added; only the shape changes.
Set the probabilities aside for a moment. Picture 1,000 ordinary calls arriving at the phone, and watch which ones it flags.
Same facts, different shape
1,000 calls, one group at a time
Step 1 of 5
Start with 1,000 calls
Each square represents one call.
- Start with 1,000 calls. Each square represents one call.
- Some are spam. When 1% of calls are spam, that is 10 out of 1,000.
- The phone flags most spam. It flags 90% of the spam calls: 9 warnings. One spam call gets through without a warning.
- Other calls get flagged too. It also flags 10% of the 990 other calls: 99 false alarms.
- Look only at the warnings. 108 warnings in all. Only 9 are for spam: 8.3%.
- Spam calls
- 10
- Warnings
- 108
- Spam among warnings
- 8.3%
The filter stays the same: it flags 90% of spam calls and 10% of other calls.
Of the 108 warnings, only 9 are for spam.
The reason was hiding in plain sight. Other calls vastly outnumber spam, so even a small error rate on them produces most of the alarms. Once you can see that crowd of ordinary calls, the answer stops being surprising. It becomes almost obvious.
Nothing was added. These are the numbers the formula used. Only the shape changed: counts of things instead of probabilities of events, and a picture in which the large group stays visibly large.
Psychologists have measured how much this matters. In Gigerenzer and Hoffrage’s first study, changing only the format, from “1%” to “10 out of 1,000” and so on, lifted the share of correct Bayesian reasoning from 16% to 46% across fifteen different problems. Nearly three times as many.[1] A later review of 35 articles confirmed the advantage and found that visual aids help too. It also found a sobering limit: even with frequencies, most people still get these problems wrong.[2]
I think this small example captures something large about AI. A model can produce the correct answer. Whether a person can use it depends on something else: how the answer meets that person’s mind. Model capability and human understanding are different outcomes. When understanding matters, we should build for both, and measure both.
Not every question needs a lesson, of course. If you want a translation, a train time or a line of code that works, an explanation can get in the way. But when the purpose is to learn, to check a recommendation or to make a decision, an answer you cannot use is not yet finished.
Nor do impressive test scores settle the matter. A high score on a hard exam tells us something about the model. It does not tell us whether a particular reader walked away able to use what it wrote.
My suspicion is that the gap widens as models improve. They can now answer questions whose answers are harder to absorb, and those answers still arrive as blocks of text. I hold this as a hypothesis, not a measured trend.
The answer is the model’s achievement. Understanding is the reader’s, and it depends on the shape of what arrives.
03The mind
Understanding is built in a small space
We can juggle only a few new things at once. An answer that opens many threads before tying them together can overload a reader, even when every sentence is correct.
The picture worked where the formula did not. Part of the reason is how little we can hold in mind at one time.
Psychologists call this workspace working memory. Think of it as a small mental desk, where we hold and combine whatever we are thinking about right now. It has room for only a few new items.
Knowledge makes the desk feel bigger, because familiar patterns take up less room. A statistician sees “0.9 × 0.01” as one familiar move. A newcomer sees several separate pieces, and must keep them all in view while working out how they relate. John Sweller’s research on cognitive load tied these limits to learning: the effort spent just getting through a task can crowd out the effort that builds lasting knowledge.[3]
Load on the reader
The same answer, three different loads
Formula, for a newcomer
- P(S | W): chance of spam after a warning
- 0.9: chance of flagging a spam call
- 0.01: share of calls that are spam
- P(W): all the calls that get flagged
- 0.1: chance of flagging another call
- 0.99: share of calls that are not spam
6 things to hold at once
Formula, for a statistician
- Bayes’ rule
- These four numbers
2 things to hold at once
The picture, with counts
- 108 warnings
- 9 of them are for spam
2 things to hold at once
Every unfamiliar term in an answer opens a thread that the reader must hold until the text ties it to something familiar. Sensitivity. Specificity. Positive predictive value. Open several threads before connecting any of them, and you ask the reader to build the structure and understand it at the same time.
Research on learning from words and pictures offers practical remedies. Mayer and Moreno describe several: present a lesson in segments the learner can pace, introduce the key parts before the relationships between them, and place words beside the part of the picture they describe.[4] Those results come from carefully built lessons, not chat answers. Carrying them over to AI is a sensible starting point, and one that still needs testing.
Then comes a twist. Help that rescues a beginner can get in an expert’s way. Kalyuga and colleagues call this the expertise reversal effect.[5] The statistician does not need 1,000 squares; the formula is faster. So there is no single best explanation, only a good explanation for a particular reader and purpose.
And expertise is local. The same statistician may need the beginner’s route the moment the topic turns to contract law.
Good communication starts from what the reader already knows and keeps their small mental desk free for the idea itself.
04The illusion
Feeling clear is not the same as understanding
Smooth answers can feel like understanding without producing it. A one-minute test shows how easily that feeling misleads.
If the only goal were to make answers feel easy, AI would already be close to perfect. Its answers are fluent, confident and neatly formatted. The trouble is that the feeling of understanding is a poor guide to the real thing.
You can test this on yourself in about a minute.
Try it · one minute
A one-minute test with a zipper
Rate how well you understand how a zipper works.
Now explain it, step by step, in your head or out loud.
- What does each tooth look like up close?
- What exactly does the slider do to the teeth?
- Why does a closed zipper hold when you pull the two sides apart?
Now rate your understanding again.
Show the zipper’s mechanism
- Each tooth has a small bump on one face and a matching hollow on the other.
- The teeth on the two sides are offset by half a tooth, so each tooth meets a gap on the other side.
- The slider’s Y-shaped channel brings the rows together at an angle and presses each tooth’s bump into the hollow of its neighbour from the other side.
- Once locked, a straight sideways pull cannot unhook them. To open the zipper, a wedge inside the slider bends the rows apart again.
Leonid Rozenblit and Frank Keil ran this experiment with Yale graduate students, using everyday devices such as zippers, flush toilets and cylinder locks. Participants rated their understanding, wrote out step by step how each device works, then rated it again. Nearly everyone’s ratings fell. Many said they were surprised by how little they knew.[6]
The researchers called this the illusion of explanatory depth. It is strongest for explanations of how things work, and much weaker for facts, procedures and stories.
Polish can create a similar illusion. In one study, students watched the same one-minute explanation of why calico cats are usually female. Half saw the speaker deliver it smoothly: upright, making eye contact, without notes. The other half saw the same speaker hunched over notes, hesitating. The smooth group expected to remember far more, and rated the speaker as better prepared and more effective.
On the memory test, the two groups did about the same.[7]
The reverse happens too. At Harvard, physics students were randomly split between polished lectures by highly rated instructors and active-learning classes on identical material, and then swapped. In the active classes they scored almost half a standard deviation higher on the test, yet reported feeling that they had learned less.[8] The researchers traced part of the mismatch to effort. To the students, harder thinking felt like learning less.
Feeling versus learning
Felt learning and tested learning can come apart
The same one-minute lecture, delivered smoothly or haltingly[7]
The smooth version felt far more memorable
Recall was about the same
The same physics material, as polished lectures or active learning[8]
Active learning felt like learning less
Active learning scored almost half a standard deviation higher
AI summaries show a similar pattern. In seven experiments with more than 10,000 people, some learned about a topic, such as how to plant a vegetable garden, from an AI-style summary, and others from ordinary web links. The summary readers spent less time with the material, said they had learned less, and wrote sparser, more generic advice for a friend. In one experiment both groups received exactly the same information; only its format differed. The pattern held.[9]
These measures were self-reports and the advice people wrote, not a knowledge test. Still, the direction is consistent: what is easy to receive can be thin to keep.
Two findings stop this from becoming a case for friction. When Buçinca and colleagues made people think before seeing an AI’s suggestion, people relied less on its wrong advice. But they liked those designs least, the benefit varied between people, and overall performance did not significantly improve.[10] And in nutrition experiments by Gajos and Mamykina, people given only an explanation learned from it, while people given a recommendation together with the same explanation did not show the same learning.[11]
What matters, then, is less the amount of effort than what the person is left to work out.
The aim is not to make reading hard. It is to spend the reader’s effort where it builds something, and to leave the reader in control.
05The evidence
Design changes what AI does to learning
In one large school study, AI help raised practice scores and then lowered exam scores. A version that gave hints instead of answers avoided the drop.
What happens when a modern model walks into a classroom? Two recent studies give a vivid answer, and it depends on design.
In a large high school in Turkey, Hamsa Bastani and colleagues randomly assigned about fifty maths classes, nearly 1,000 students in all, to practise in one of three ways. Some classes had no AI. Some had a plain GPT-4 chat assistant. Some had a GPT-4 tutor instructed to give teacher-designed hints instead of answers. Each session ended with a closed-book exam on the same ideas.[12]
Use the button in the figure to take the AI away.
Practice with AI, then an exam without it
Help that became a hindrance
During practice, with AI
Plain GPT-4 assistant
GPT-4 tutor giving hints
On the exam, without AI
Plain GPT-4 assistant
GPT-4 tutor giving hints
Students who never had AI
Change in grades compared with students who never had AI
With the AI at hand, both groups beat the no-AI group in practice: grades were 48% higher with the plain assistant and 127% higher with the tutor.
Then the AI was gone. Students who had practised with the plain assistant scored 17% lower than students who never had AI. The tutor group’s exam scores could not be distinguished from those of the no-AI group.
Two details make this study hard to forget. Many students used the plain assistant as a crutch, asking for solutions and copying them, even though its answers were correct only about half the time. And students misjudged their own learning. Those who used the plain assistant did not think they had learned less. Those who used the tutor believed they had done better on the exam. They had not.
Design can also tip the result the other way. Some of the same Harvard researchers behind the active-learning study built an AI tutor around research on how people learn, with pre-written, step-by-step solutions behind it. In an introductory physics course of 194 students, they compared it with an active-learning class. On the test straight after the lesson, the tutored students scored higher: a median of 4.5 against 3.5. They usually needed less time, too: a median of 49 minutes against the class’s 60.[13] The study covered two lessons and tested learning immediately, so it cannot say how long the gains last.
Read side by side, the two studies support a narrower and more useful conclusion than “AI makes us learn less” or “AI teaches better”. Learning depends on the whole arrangement: the model, the information it has, how it is told to teach, the interface, the task and the learner. Neither study isolated wording or layout, so neither shows that dense prose is the culprit.
Interaction design deserves to be evaluated alongside model capability. It can change the outcome.
06The proposal
A better answer gives the reader a route
Lead with the point, open depth on demand, fit the reader’s purpose, show the relationship and check gently. Here is one answer rebuilt with those five changes.
If understanding is part of the goal, an answer should give the reader a route through the subject, not just a destination. Step through five changes below and watch what each one does.
One answer, five changes
The phone-warning answer, rebuilt
Before any change Correct and complete, but flat: every fact gets the same weight.
Answer
I am asking because
Only about 1 in 12 flagged calls is spam in this example. The warning leaves considerable uncertainty.
Check how common spam is before putting weight on the warning. In this example, about 11 in 12 flagged calls are not spam.
Most warnings are for calls that are not spam. Those calls are much more common, so even a small error rate produces many false alarms.
P(S | W) = 0.009 ÷ 0.108 ≈ 8.3%. The calculation is open below.
Hypothetical assumptions: 1 in 100 calls is spam. The filter flags 90% of spam calls and 10% of other calls.
9 spam calls out of 108 warnings: 8.3%
To find the probability that a flagged call is spam, apply Bayes’ theorem. The filter’s sensitivity is 90%, so P(W | S) = 0.9. Its false-positive rate is 10%, so P(W | not S) = 0.1, corresponding to a specificity of 90%. The prior probability of spam is P(S) = 0.01. The total probability of a warning is P(W) = 0.9 × 0.01 + 0.1 × 0.99 = 0.108. Therefore P(S | W) = 0.009 ÷ 0.108 ≈ 0.083, or about 8.3%. This low positive predictive value reflects the low base rate. As spam becomes more common, the positive predictive value rises. These hypothetical figures assume stable error rates and that 1% of the calls being screened are spam.
The source of the false alarms
Of 1,000 calls, 10 are spam and the phone flags 9 of them. It also flags 10% of the 990 other calls: 99 false alarms. There are many more false alarms than correct warnings.
The calculation
Conditions that change the answer
With the same filter, a warning is more likely to identify spam when spam calls are more common. At a 10% spam rate, half the warnings are correct.
If spam calls became ten times as common, would a warning be more or less likely to be correct?
Lead with the point.
Say what matters most and why, in a sentence the reader can keep. Then show how the supporting parts fit together. A heading cannot supply a missing connection.
Open depth on demand.
Let the reader open the calculation, the assumptions or a source without losing their place. Keep any assumption that changes the meaning in plain view.
Fit the purpose.
Someone deciding how to respond to a flagged call needs a different route from someone learning the idea or checking the arithmetic. Let readers choose, and let them change their minds. Asking for a short answer does not make someone an expert.
Show the relationship.
A picture can show what a paragraph only asserts, and a slider can expose an assumption. Decoration, needless motion and crowded dashboards do the opposite: they add work.
Check, gently.
Asking for a single prediction can reveal a specific misunderstanding, so the answer can respond to it. But one right answer, a pause or a model’s confidence is not proof that someone understands.
W3C’s guidance on cognitive accessibility points the same way, recommending manageable amounts of content and clear choices.[14] That is a sound basis for design, though not a guarantee that a particular interface teaches well.
None of this is an argument against text. Text is precise, searchable, easy to revisit and often the most accessible format there is. The opportunity is to add other shapes when they help. A more capable model may itself become better at choosing them, so model progress and interface design can improve together.
There is a risk, too. A beautifully structured wrong answer is more persuasive than a messy one. So a better presentation needs a route to verification: sources and assumptions the reader can inspect, not decoration that makes the answer look authoritative.
The structure should be easy to use. Finding your way through an answer must not become one more thing to learn.
07The test
Understanding has to be measured, not assumed
Ratings, clicks and reading time do not show understanding. What people can apply, explain and question does. Try four such tests on yourself.
How would we know whether any of this works? Not from how much readers like an answer, how long they stay or how often they press “I understand”. Those measure the interaction. As the studies above show, they can even move in the opposite direction from learning.
We need tests of what people can do. Here are four, using the phone example.
Four tests of understanding
Four tests with the phone example
Apply
Another phone filter flags 99% of spam calls and only 2% of other calls. Here spam is rarer: 1 call in 1,000. A warning appears.
The flagged call is more likely to be
Right: not spam. Out of 100,000 calls, 100 are spam and 99 of them are flagged. But 2% of the 99,900 other calls also get flagged: 1,998 false alarms. Only about 1 warning in 21 is correct.
Explain
Explain why a filter that catches 90% of spam can still be wrong about most flagged calls.
Compare with an example
When spam is rare, other calls greatly outnumber it. Flagging even a small share of those other calls can produce more false alarms than correct warnings.
The key connection is how rare spam is in this example.
Question
Someone says: “The filter is 90% accurate, so 90% of flagged calls must be spam.”
The flaw in that claim:
Right. The chance that a warning identifies spam depends on how common spam is too. With our filter and a 1% spam rate, only 8.3% of flagged calls are spam.
Retain
Come back in a week and try the first test again, without scrolling back.
That delay is the real test. This page will not remind you or record anything, so the result is yours to judge.
A real study would go further. It would start with a specific task and verified information, then randomly assign readers to an excellent static explanation, a conventional chat answer or an interactive version, taking account of what each reader already knows. To test presentation alone, it would keep the facts, practice and feedback identical. In a bilingual system, each language should be tested with its own readers, rather than assuming that translation preserves the effect.
If the real task is making safe decisions with the tool at hand, those decisions should be measured too. Enjoyment and speed belong in the evaluation as well. They simply cannot stand in for the outcome we care about.
A better way of presenting answers has to earn its name through outcomes for real readers, including the readers it fails.
08The position
Understanding belongs in the definition of progress
Helping people use intelligence may become as important as producing more of it.
It is tempting to describe all this as a widening gap between machine intelligence and what a human can absorb. I find that a useful way to think, and I have said why I suspect it. But it stays a hypothesis until model capability and human understanding are measured side by side, over time.
Understanding is not a file that can be downloaded into a mind. A reader builds it from prior knowledge, attention, attempts, mistakes, correction and time. AI can support that process. It cannot prove it has succeeded just by producing more words.
The direction I want is an AI that helps a person find the central idea, see its connections, test a consequence and get back to the evidence. Sometimes that will be a few careful paragraphs. Sometimes it will be a picture like the 1,000 calls, a conversation, a simulation, or a mix of them.
These are old ambitions in teaching and design. AI gives us new ways to pursue them at scale, and new ways to mistake persuasive output for success.
The next big advance may come from treating human understanding as something to build for, rather than something we assume will follow a good answer.
What matters is what the person can understand, and do, after the answer arrives.
EVIDENCE, NOT DECORATION
Sources
Fourteen sources behind the argument. Open a note for each source’s contribution and limits. The broader thesis and the proposed design are my interpretation, not conclusions these papers prove.
- 01How to Improve Bayesian Reasoning Without Instruction: Frequency Formats
Contribution and limits
Sixty university students with no training in Bayes’ theorem solved 15 problems. The same information written as natural frequencies produced Bayesian answers 46% of the time, against 16% when written as probabilities. A study of reasoning with numbers, not of AI.
- 02Meta-Analysis of the Effect of Natural Frequencies on Bayesian Reasoning
Contribution and limits
Pools 226 estimates from 35 articles. Natural frequencies and visual aids both improved performance, yet average accuracy stayed low: about 4% with probabilities and 24% with natural frequencies. The tasks were written problems, not AI answers.
- 03Cognitive Load During Problem Solving: Effects on Learning
Contribution and limits
A foundation for distinguishing the effort spent completing a task from the effort that builds knowledge. It did not study language models, and it makes no claim about an exact memory capacity.
- 04Nine Ways to Reduce Cognitive Load in Multimedia Learning
Contribution and limits
Research on selecting, organising and connecting words and pictures, including segmenting, pretraining and placing words near the graphics they describe. Its lessons were built for learning, so its findings do not validate this page’s design.
- 05The Expertise Reversal Effect
Contribution and limits
Reviews evidence that guidance useful to a beginner can become redundant or counterproductive as relevant knowledge grows. Adaptation should follow what a reader knows about this topic, not a fixed label.
- 06The misunderstood limits of folk science: an illusion of explanatory depth
Contribution and limits
Yale graduate students rated their understanding of devices such as a zipper, wrote step-by-step explanations, then rated again; nearly all participants’ ratings fell. The same paper found the illusion strongest for explanations and weaker for facts, procedures and stories. Evidence about human self-assessment, not about AI.
- 07Appearances can be deceiving: instructor fluency increases perceptions of learning without increasing actual learning
Contribution and limits
Two experiments with undergraduates and a 65-second video of the same speaker and script. Fluent delivery raised predicted recall and ratings of the instructor, while recall itself did not differ significantly. A short lecture, not AI text.
- 08Measuring actual learning versus feeling of learning in response to being actively engaged in the classroom
Contribution and limits
A randomised crossover study with 149 Harvard physics students and identical materials. Active learning raised test scores by 0.46 standard deviations and lowered the feeling of learning by 0.56. One institution and two class meetings per course.
- 09Experimental evidence of the effects of large language models versus web search on depth of learning
Contribution and limits
Seven experiments with 10,462 people. Learning from LLM-style summaries instead of web links meant less time with the material, lower self-reported learning and sparser advice, including in an experiment that held the information identical. Learning was not measured with a knowledge test.
- 10To Trust or to Think: Cognitive Forcing Functions Can Reduce Overreliance on AI in AI-assisted Decision-making
Contribution and limits
A 199-participant experiment with simulated AI advice in a food-selection task. Interventions reduced overreliance, with preference and equity trade-offs; overall team performance did not significantly improve.
- 11Do People Engage Cognitively with AI? Impact of AI Assistance on Incidental Learning
Contribution and limits
Simulated-AI nutrition experiments. Explanation-only assistance supported learning; showing a recommendation with its explanation did not show the same benefit. Not an LLM trial.
- 12Generative AI without guardrails can harm learning: Evidence from high school mathematics
Contribution and limits
A classroom-randomised study of nearly 1,000 students in one Turkish high school. Practice grades were 48% (GPT Base) and 127% (GPT Tutor) above control; on the unassisted exam, GPT Base was 17% below control and GPT Tutor was not distinguishable from control. The August 2025 correction concerns an author affiliation, not the results.
Correction notice ↗ - 13AI tutoring outperforms in-class active learning: an RCT introducing a novel research-based design in an authentic educational setting
Contribution and limits
A randomised crossover study with 194 undergraduate physics students and two lessons. The designed tutor, backed by pre-written step-by-step solutions, raised immediate post-test scores (median 4.5 against 3.5) in less time. Delayed retention and the contribution of each feature were not tested.
- 14Avoid Too Much Content
Contribution and limits
Supplemental cognitive accessibility guidance on manageable content and clear choices. Design guidance, not an experimental effect or a claim of WCAG conformance.